في
الآداب
والعلوم
الإنسانية
Received:
10 February 2025 Peer-reviewed:
25 February 2025 Accepted:
13 April 2025
Loyalty of the Umayyad Governors in Al-Maghrib after Completing the
Conquest: 97–132AH/715–750CE
Meshal Al-Enezi
Associate Professor, Department of History, Kuwait University–Kuwait
https://orcid.org
0009-0002-8878-3443
Abstract
In 45AH (665CE), Muʿāwiya ibn Abī
Sufyān (41–60AH/661–680CE), the first Umayyad caliph, continued the
efforts of the Rashidūn Caliphate in conquering Al-Maghrib by dispatching
multiple military leaders to conduct campaigns in the region. The Umayyad
conquest was ultimately completed under the sixth Umayyad caliph, Al-Walīd
ibn ʿAbd al-Malik (86–96AH/705–715CE), who appointed the first Umayyad
governor of Al-Maghrib in 58AH (678CE). This paper explains the most important factors that the Umayyad
caliphs relied on in appointing their governors in al-Maghrib after completing
the conquest. It also examines the relationship between the factors for
selecting leaders during the conquest of al-Maghrib and those for appointing
governors. These factors show the extent of the loyalty of these governors to
the Umayyad Caliphate. Previous studies have discussed various aspects of the
history of al-Maghrib during and after the conquest. However, they have not
paid attention to the elements of this research. This research consulted primary
sources which had discussed various aspects of the Umayyad and al-Maghrib
history.
Keywords: Governors;
Leaders; Loyalty; Umayyads; Al-Maghrib
Cite this article as: Al-Enezi, M. "Loyalty of the Umayyad Governors in Al-Maghrib after
Completing the Conquest: 97–132AH/715–750CE." Ansaq in Arts and Humanities, vol. 9, no. 1, 2025,
https://doi.org/10.29117/Ansaq.2025.0224
© 2025, Al-Enezi, M.., licensee, College of Arts and Sciences & QU
Press. This article is published under the terms of the Creative Commons
Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0), which permits
non-commercial use of the material, appropriate credit, and indication if
changes in the material were made. You can copy and redistribute the material
in any medium or format as well as remix, transform, and build upon the
material, provided the original work is properly cited. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
في
الآداب
والعلوم
الإنسانية
تاريخ
الاستلام: 10
فبراير 2025 تاريخ
التحكيم: 25
فبراير2025 تاريخ
القبول: 13
أبريل 2025
ولاء
ولاة بني أمية
في المغرب بعد
إتمام الفتح
(97-132هـ/715-750م)
مشعل العنزي https://orcid.org
0009-0002-8878-3443
أستاذ
مشارك في قسم
التاريخ،
جامعة الكويت–الكويت
Meshal.alenezi@ku.edu.kw
في عام 45هـ/665م،
استكمل أول
خلفاء بني
أمية الصحابي
معاوية بن أبي
سفيان (41-60هـ/661-680م)
جهود الخلافة
الراشدة في
فتح المغرب
بإرسال أكثر
من قائد عسكري
للقيام
بعمليات
عسكرية هناك.
واكتمل الفتح
في عهد
الخليفة
الأموي السادس
الوليد بن عبد
الملك (86-96هـ/705-715م)
الذي عيَّن
أول والٍ
للخلافة
الأموية في المغرب،
وكان مقر
إقامة هذا
الوالي مدينة
القيروان،
التي بناها
أحد القادة
العسكريين للأمويين؛
ألا وهو عقبة
بن نافع (58هـ/678م).
يوضح هذا
البحث أهم
العوامل التي
اعتمد عليها
الخلفاء
الأمويون في
تعيين ولاتهم
في بلاد المغرب
بعد إتمام
الفتح، كما
يبحث في
العلاقة بين
معايير اختيار
القادة أثناء
فتح المغرب،
ومعايير تعيين
الولاة بعد
الفتح؛ حيث
تبين هذه
المعايير مدى
ولاء هؤلاء
الولاة
للخلافة
الأموية. وقد
ناقشت
الدراسات
السابقة
جوانب مختلفة
من تاريخ
المغرب أثناء
الفتح وبعده،
إلا أنها لم
تهتم بعناصر
هذا البحث. وقد
اعتمد هذا
البحث على
العديد من
المصادر
الأولية التي
تناولت جوانب
مختلفة من
التاريخ الأموي
والمغرب.
الكلمات
المفتاحية: الولاة،
القادة،
الولاء،
الأمويون،
المغرب
للاقتباس: العنزي،
مشعل. »ولاء ولاة
بني أمية في المغرب
بعد إتمام الفتح
(97-132هـ/715-750م)«. مجلة
أنساق،
المجلد التاسع،
العدد الأول، 2025. https://doi.org/10.29117/Ansaq.2025.0224
© 2025، العنزي، الجهة
المرخص لها: كلية
الآداب
والعلوم، دار
نشر جامعة
قطر. نُشرت
هذه المقالة
البحثية
وفقًا لشروط Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC
BY-NC 4.0). تسمح هذه
الرخصة
بالاستخدام
غير التجاري،
وينبغي نسبة
العمل إلى
صاحبه، مع
بيان أي تعديلات
عليه. كما
تتيح حرية
نسخ، وتوزيع،
ونقل العمل
بأي شكل من
الأشكال، أو
بأية وسيلة،
ومزجه
وتحويله
والبناء
عليه، طالما
يُنسب العمل الأصلي
إلى
المؤلف. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
During the al-Rāshidūn Caliphate, particularly the reign of ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb (13–23AH/634–644CE) and ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (23–35AH/644–656CE), the Arabs captured Iraq, Persia, Al-Shām, and Egypt. The Muslims also expanded their conquest to Al-Maghrib and seized some of its territories, including Burqah and Țarāblis in Libya, Ifrīqiyā in Tunisia, and some parts of northeast Algeria. Al-Maghrib extended from what is now known as Libya to become the Kingdom of Morocco.
Then, during the Umayyad Caliphate,
the Umayyad armies captured all the territories of Al-Maghrib except one city,
Cetua (Sabtah). Al-Rāshidūn and then the Umayyads’ military operations to conquer Al-Maghrib
took more than half a century for several reasons, including the murder of
ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān in 35AH/656CE and the strife that occurred afterward, the killing
of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib in 40AH/661CE,
and the establishment of the Umayyad state and the threats that arose after it (Malūlī & Daḥmān 38).
After the Umayyads captured
Al-Maghrib, a new era called the era of governors (ʿAșr
al-Wulāt) began (Mu’nis 92). The Umayyads divided Al-Maghrib into four
sections, and the governors of the Umayyads stayed in the second section. The
first section was Burqah and Țarāblis. The second section was Near
Maghrib, or Ifrīqiyā, which was called the nearest because it
was closer to the Arab lands and the caliphate in the Ḥijaz and the
Al-Shām. The third section was Central Maghrib, which included most of present-day
Algeria. The fourth section was the farthest part of Al-Maghrib from the abode
of the Islamic Caliphate. It is currently known as the Kingdom of Morocco (Al-Ḥamawī
5/188-196). This separation was merely a
conventional division of political and administrative necessity due to the vast
area and diverse terrain (Malūlī &Daḥmān
13-15).
This research aims to measure the
extent of the loyalty of the governors of the Umayyad state in al-Maghrib to
the Umayyad caliphs after completing the conquest from 97 to 132AH through
several questions, including why the governors of the Umayyad state in
al-Maghrib did not take over rule of al-Maghrib and did not break from
Damascus, the capital of the Umayyads? This paper also analyzes the criteria
for the Umayyad caliphs’ selection of governors to be appointed to rule
al-Maghrib and to refute or prove that this selection was based mainly on
tribalism, selection of individuals from the Umayyad clan and individuals from
different clans loyal to the Umayyads or whether it was the Umayyads’ choosing
leaders to complete the capture of the remaining territories of al-Maghrib.
Scholars have not paid attention to
the extent of the relationship between the governors of the Umayyad state in al-Maghrib,
who ruled that area after the conquest and sent booty of al-Maghrib to Damascus,
and whose military and urban accomplishments were achieved in the name of the
Umayyad caliphs. They have also not clarified the impact of these
accomplishments and wealth in the eyes of these governors. In addition, they
have not analyzed the caliphs’ dealings with these governors through support or
punishment during events or problems that occurred in al-Maghrib. An analysis
of the support and punishment of the caliphs would reveal whether a personal
relationship between the caliph and his governor in al-Maghrib existed.
However, scholars have discussed various aspects of Al-Maghrib after the Arabs
completed its capture. For example, Ḥasan al-Shāyqī clarified
the factors that helped spread the Arabic language in North Africa after the
completion of the Arab conquest there. He affirmed that the tolerance shown by
the Muslims towards the local population of al-Maghrib was a decisive factor in
their acceptance of the language of the conquerors, as well as the spread of
the Islamic religion and the memorization of the Holy Qur’ān
(al-Shāyqī 123-150). ʿAbd al-Razāq al-Quwayḍī
concentrated on immigration to Al-Maghrib due to its important effects on the
region, and he argued that al-Maghrib witnessed three major migrations
(al-Quwayḍī 179-186). In addition, Saʿad Shamīsah focused
on the economic aspect of al-Maghrib after the Umayyad conquest (Shamīsah
145-167). He aimed to study the trade and financial system in Burqah, located
in what is now known as Libya, during the Islamic conquest. Naʿīmah Ramaḍān
addressed the dismissal of governors in Al-Maghrib at the beginning of the
reign of each Umayyad and ʿAbbāsīd caliph. However, she did not
explain the reasons that led these caliphs to do so (Ramaḍān
115-134).
Other scholars have concentrated on
the architecture and urban planning in Al-Maghrib during the conquest, after
the conquest, and the eras that followed. Al-Bashīr Bū
Qāʿidah discussed the role of the the Umayyad armies in building and
developing the city of Kairouan (Bū Qāʿidah 113-147).
ʿAzīz LʿUwaysī described the ingenuity of the Almohads, Amāzīgh
dynasty, who had ruled Al-Maghrib from the 12th century to the
second half of the 13th century, in construction, especially of the
mosque (LʿUwaysī 49-54).
The Umayyad state resumed military
operations in al-Maghrib during the reign of Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān to
recover the lands that the Arabs had conquered during the Rashidūn
Caliphate. The Byzantines had recaptured them, taking advantage of the Arabs’
preoccupation with the murder of ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān. The Umayyads aimed to complete the conquest of other regions in al-Maghrib,
so Muʿāwiya ibn Abī
Sufyān restricted the selection of leaders
of the conquest of al-Maghrib to certain criteria that served the aim of the
Caliph and which were in the interest of the Umayyad Caliphate. (Alenezi 1-11)
Those who came after Muʿāwiya followed this approach even after the conquest of al-Maghrib was
completed. The criteria were military, tribal, and social. The caliphs relied
on all, some, or one of these. Many of the Umayyad caliphs’ primary selection
criteria were tribal.
In the 40sAH (661-671CE), the Byzantine Empire sent an
army to al-Maghrib and recaptured Ifrīqiyā. Consequently, the first Umayyad caliph, Muʿāwiya ibn Abī
Sufyān, sent an army led by Muʿāwiya b. Ḥudayj al-Kindī (d. 58AH/678CE,
the first military leader of the Umayyad Caliphate in al-Maghrib, for military
and tribal reasons (Ibn ʿAthārī 1/17). Al-Kindī was a companion of the Prophet Muḥammad and narrated some aḥadith from the Prophet.
He participated in Islamic conquests in al-Shām and Egypt during
the Rāshidūn Caliphate (Kaegi 180);
this was the military reason. Regarding the tribal reason, al-Kindī was
loyal to the Umayyad dynasty. He resisted the revolt that
took place in Egypt, led by Muḥammad b. Abū Ḥuthayfah (d. 36AH/657CE) against the third Rāshidī caliph, ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān, and his governors (Ibn
Taghrībardī 1/92). Muhammad ibn
Abi Hudhayfah took advantage of the absence of the governor of Egypt, ʿAbd Allāh b. Saʿad (d. 36AH/657CE) and revolted. Both ʿAbd Allāh b. Saʿad and al-Kindī
tried to help ʿUthmān during the
siege of the revolutionaries in al-Madīnah, but they arrived after ʿUthmān was killed (Khaṭṭāb,
Qādat Fatḥ Al-Maghrib 1/83). Al-Kindī
was deeply affected by this, and his
feelings of sympathy and love for the Umayyads increased after this incident.
Therefore, al-Kindī
fought in Muʿāwiya ibn
Abī Sufyān’s army against Caliph ʿAlī. Abī Ṭālib
(35–40AH/656–660CE).
Al-Kindī also killed Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr
(d. 38AH/658CE), who was one of the murderers of ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (Ibn
al-Athīr, Asad al-Ghābah 4/324).
Following al-Kindī’s
recapture of Ifrīqiyā, Muʿāwiya ibn Abī
Sufyān assigned ʿUqbah ibn Nāfiʿ
as a military leader in Ifrīqiyā to complete the conquest of al-Maghrib in 50AH/670CE for
military and tribal reasons. The military reason was that ʿUqbah participated in the military
campaigns in al-Maghrib during the Rāshidūn Caliphate. The tribal
reason was that ʿUqbah was the half-brother of ʿAmr ibn
al-ʿĀș (d. 43AH/664CE), who fought in Muʿāwiya’s army
against ʿAlī while ʿUqbah took a neutral position in this
conflict (ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd
132). However, in 55AH/675CE, Muʿāwiya appointed Maslamah b. Mukhlid al-Anṣārī
(d. 63AH/683CE) as the governor of Egypt and as a military leader in Ifrīqiyā, instead of ʿUqbah, to complete the conquest of
al-Maghrib.
Al-Anṣārī
was loyal to the Umayyads and fought with
al-Kindī against the revolution by Muḥammad b. Abū Ḥuthayfah in Egypt (Kennedy 68). Maslamah also fought beside Muʿāwiya against ʿAlī. Before that, al-Anṣārī refused to recognize ʿAlī’s
legitimacy as caliph until he took revenge for ʿUthmān b.
ʿAffān’s killing (Al-Așbahānī 5/2494). The reason that
may have led al-Anṣārī to be loyal to the ʿUthmān-Umayyad
party was that al-Anṣārī
was in al-Madīnah when the revolutionaries killed ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān.
In the
reign of Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya (60–64AH/680–684CE), ʿUqbah was reinstated as
a military leader in Ifrīqiyā for a possible social reason to
complete the capture of the remaining territories of al-Maghrib. After Muʿāwiya’s appointment of
Maslamah, ʿUqbah was imprisoned in Ifrīqiyā by Maslamah’s men. Muʿāwiya apologized to ʿUqbah and promised that he would
reinstate him in Ifrīqiyā (Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam 225). Muʿāwiya died, and his son
Yazīd fulfilled his father’s promise (Ibn ʿAbd
al-Ḥakam
225).
After
Yazīd’s
death, the Umayyads’ military campaigns in al-Maghrib stopped until the reign
of ʿAbd
al-Malik b. Marwān (65–86AH/685–705CE). The latter resumed the conquest of
al-Maghrib under the leadership of Zuhayr b. Qays (d. 76AH/695CE) to attract him and make him loyal to
the Umayyads. Zuhayr was loyal to ʿAbd Allāh b. al-Zubayr (d. 73AH/692CE) in his conflict with the Umayyads
(al-Mālikī 29). ʿAbd al-Malik succeeded in attracting Zuhayr to
the Umayyads’ side, and the latter attained a prestigious position among them.
The best evidence of this is when Zuhayr died during the Byzantines’ raid in Cyrenaica in 76AH/695CE (Al-Mālikī
29), ʿAbd
al-Malik grieved and sent an army of 6,000 from
Al-Shām to avenge Zuhayr under the leadership of Ḥassān b. Al-Nuʿmān
Al-Ghassānī (d. 86AH/705CE). One reason behind this choice was that he belonged to the
Ghassanid tribe, which was loyal to the Byzantines in al-Shām and formed
an important part of their army. After the Ghassanids’ conversion to Islam,
they became loyal to the Umayyads and formed a part of their army (Kennedy 216).
In the reign of Caliph al-Walīd
b. ʿAbd al-Malik, the army of the Umayyad state completed the
conquest of al-Maghrib under the leadership of Mūsā b. Nuṣayr al-Lakhmī (d. 97AH/716CE). Al-Lakhmī is considered
the first governor of the Umayyads in al-Maghrib for two reasons. He completed
the military operations and became the ruler of the Amāzīghs on behalf of the Umayyads. Those who preceded Mūsā
carried out military operations that did not culminate in the conquest of al-Maghrib,
and they ended up being deposed, killed, or replaced (Al-Dulaymī 181).
There were social and
tribal reasons behind the appointment of Mūsā in the era of
al-Walīd. Al-Lakhmī was obedient to the Umayyad emirs, particularly
ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Marwān (d. 86AH/705CE), the uncle of al-Walīd
and the father of al-Walīd’s wife, Um al-Banīn (d. unknown) (Khaṭṭāb, Qādat Fatḥ Al-Maghrib 1/226-227). Um al-Banīn probably had a vital
role in the confirmation of al-Lakhmī’s appointment.
The seventh Umayyad
caliph, Sulaymān b. ʿAbd al-Malik (96–99AH/715–717CE) assumed the caliphate when
all the regions of al-Maghrib were part of the Umayyad state except the city of
Ceuta, which was under the rule of Yūlyān (d. unknown), whose origins historians have argued over. Some attribute him to the Goths
and others to the Amāzīghs (Al-ʿAlawī 77). However, he was
loyal to the Umayyad state and contributed to the conquest of the Iberian
Peninsula during the caliphate of al-Walīd b. ʿAbd al-Malik (Al-Bakrī 45).
One
of Sulaymān’s first decisions at the beginning
of his caliphate regarding the affairs of al-Maghrib was the dismissal of
Mūsā from the governorship of Ifrīqiyā despite his
military achievements in al-Maghrib. The Algerian historian Muḥammd ʿAlī
Dabūz claimed that Sulaymān was upset with Mūsā’s policy towards the
Amāzīghs. Consequently,
Sulaymān deposed him, imprisoned him
in Damascus, and confiscated his money (Dabūz 165). Some historians have
claimed that, in his last days, al-Walīd asked Mūsā to go to Damascus after he succeeded in conquering the
Iberian Peninsula in 96AH/715CE and to bring its booty. Sulaymān was
the crown prince, and he instructed Mūsā to arrive late to acquire the Iberian bounties. However, Mūsā arrived in Damascus during al-Walīd’s last days, thus upsetting
Sulaymān (Ibn ʿAbd
al-Ḥakam
238-239; Ibn ʿAthārī 1/45). Sulaymān likely deposed Mūsā because of the
latter’s absolute loyalty to Sulaymān’s uncle, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz,
and Sulaymān’s brother and his brother’s wife, al-Walīd and Um al-Banīn, who
attempted to depose Sulaymān from the position of crown prince and appoint their son, ʿAbd al-Azīz
(d. 110AH/729CE), instead. Al-Walīd ordered his governors and workers to
pledge allegiance to ʿAbd
al-ʿAzīz, but he did not receive any responses except
from al-Ḥajjāj
(95AH/714CE), the governor of Iraq, and Qutaybah b. Muslim (d. 96AH/715CE), the
governor of Khorasan (al-Dhahabī 4/347-348). Sulaymān was presumably
angry with Mūsā because the latter did not object to al-Walīd’s
attempt to depose Sulaymān. Consequently, Mūsā was removed from
the governorship of al-Maghrib. In addition, the seventh Umayyad caliph, Sulaymān b. ʿAbd al-Malik dismissed
all the governors who did not disagree with al-Walīd (al-Nuwayrī 21/338-344).
Qutaybah b. Muslim was killed by the
inhabitants of Khorasan under the leadership of Wakīʿ b. Abī al-Aswad
al-Tamīmī (d. 101AH/719CE) because Qutaybah b.
Muslim revolted against Sulaymān and declared disobedience to the latter
(al-Nuwayrī 21/338-344). Al-Ḥajjāj died
a year before Sulaymān came to power. However, Sulaymān ousted al-Ḥajjāj’s
follower, Muḥammd b.
Qāsim al-Thaqafī, from Sindh (d. 98AH/717CE) (Khaṭṭāb,
Qādat
Fatḥ Al-sanad
217).
Therefore, social and political reasons were behind Mūsā being
removed from Ifrīqiyā. In addition, Sulaymān likely did not imprison
Mūsā in Damascus because the latter’s sons ruled al-Maghrib and
al-Andalus on behalf of their father. ʿAbd allāh (d.
101AH/720CE) was in al-Maghrib, and ʿAbd al-Azīz
(d. 98AH/717CE) was in al-Andalus. Their father’s imprisonment would have
angered them and made them revolt against Sulaymān. Most likely,
Mūsā accompanied Caliph Sulaymān for Ḥajj in 97AH and died on the way in Wādī
al-Qurā, and the caliph’s brother, Maslamah (d. 121AH/738CE), prayed over
him (Ibn Khallikān
5/329). The caliph was then able to depose ʿAbd allāh from
al-Maghrib in 97AH, while ʿAbd al-Azīz
was assassinated in al-Andalus in 97 or 98AH.
Different accounts
of who was responsible for his assassination exist. Sulaymān was not
responsible for the assassination because most historians have described
Sulaymān as gentle, not quick to shed blood, and not disdainful of his
advisors’ advice. He also followed the teachings of the Qur’ān and Sunnah
(Al-Şalābī 86).
In 97 AH, Caliph
Sulaymān appointed Muḥammd b. Yazīd (d. unknown) governor of
Al-Maghrib for some possible reasons.
The first was a tribal-social reason, as Muḥammd b. Yazīd was a
servant (Mawlā) of the Quraysh, including the Umayyads (Ibn ʿAsākir, 56/278). Before Muḥammd bin Yazid was appointed and began his work in Al-Maghrib, Sulaymān sent him to Iraq to release some prisoners who had been detained by al-Ḥajjāj and to intimidate some of al-Ḥajjāj’s followers, including al-Ḥajjāj ’s scribe, Yazīd bin Muslim Al-Thaqafī (d. unknown) (Ibn ʿAsākir 56/278). Sulaymān prosecuted Yazīd bin
Muslim and seized his savings and possessions. Sulaymān did not find any
evidence of Yazīd embezzling in Iraq, so he pardoned him (al-Dhahabī 4/593-594). This is evidence that Muḥammd was an obedient servant of the Quraysh, including the Umayyads (Malūlī, & Daḥmān 54).
Additionally, a possible
prime reason behind Muḥammd
b. Yazīd’s appointment was religious. Sulaymān b. ʿAbd
al-Malik’s policy in ruling and appointing his ministers and governors of his
provinces was based on consultations with senior religious scholars. Among the religious men he relied on was Rajā’ b. Ḥaywa, who was a
former advisor to ʿAbd al-Malik b.
Marwān (ʿAțwān 46). Sulaymān asked Rajā’ to nominate a competent governor with
the ambition and ability to govern al-Maghrib. Rajā’
nominated Muḥammd b. Yazīd, and Sulaymān
agreed without any hesitation (Al-Şalābī 85).
A possible justification for Rajā’s nominating Muḥammd b. Yazīd was that the
latter was likely a jurist well versed in the Qur’ān and Sunnah, which
would enable him to rule with justice and attract the remaining Amāzighs
to Islam. The rule of Muḥammad over al-Maghrib was characterized by
justice and tranquility (al-Dhahabī 4/593-594).
During
Sulaymān’s reign, ʿUmar b. ʿAbd Al-ʿAzīz (99–101AH/717–720CE) was a minister, advisor, and crown prince under the recommendation of Rajā’.
Consequently,
ʿUmar always accompanied Sulaymān during his travels. Sulaymān
felt that he needed him in all his affairs, saying, “As soon as this man is
absent from me, I will not find anyone who can understand me” (al-Faswī
598). ʿUmar played a major role in Sulaymān’s decisions regarding the
ousting and appointment of governors in the provinces of the Umayyad state. ʿUmar b.
ʿAbd Al-ʿAzīz convinced Sulaymān to depose the governor of
Makkah, Khālid al-Qasrī (d. 126AH/744CE), and the governor of
al-Madīnah, ʿUthmān b. Ḥayān (d. unknown)
(al-Kharʿān 169). ʿUmar b. ʿAbd Al-ʿAzīz did not
object to Sulayman’s decision to appoint Muḥammd b. Yazīd as governor of Morocco. Possibly, he supported this
decision because it was recommended by Rajā’.
Muḥammd remained governor until Sulaymān’s death, after which
ʿUmar became the eighth Umayyad caliph. Regarding his decisions in al-Maghrib,
ʿUmar decided to replace Muḥammd with Ismāʿīl b.
ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Abī al-Muhājir (d. 132 H/754CE). However,
Muḥammd remained in al-Maghrib after his replacement. Historians, such as
Ibn ʿAthārī
and Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, do not mention the reasons that prompted the
caliph to make this replacement, but Ismāʿīl’s abilities and
conduct may have been better than Muḥammad’s. Religious, social, and
tribal reasons were behind the appointment of Ismāʿīl. Ismail
was loyal to the Banū Makhzūm clan of the Quraysh. This is somewhat
different from Muḥammd, whose loyalty was absolute to all the clans of
Quraysh, including the Umayyads. ʿUmar may have aimed to gain the loyalty
of Ismāʿīl as ʿAbd al-Malik did, so he appointed him as a
teacher for several of his sons and grandchildren (al-Mazī 3/145-146). In
addition, before that, Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān appointed
Ismāʿīl’s grandfather, Abū al-Muhājir
al-Dīnār (d. 63AH/683CE), as a military leader in Ifrīqiyā due to his experience (Radwān 43). Abū
al-Muhājir expanded the Umayyad campaigns from Ifrīqiyā
to al-Maghrib
al-Awṣaṭ, located in what is now the Republic
of Algeria (al-Nāṣirī 1/80). Presumably, the
Umayyad caliph succeeded in gaining the loyalty of Abū al-Muhājir
al-Dīnār and his son Ismāʿīl. In addition, the regions
of the Umayyad state, including al-Maghrib were politically, economically, and
socially stable during the reign of ʿUmar b. ʿAbd Al-ʿAzīz,
so he dispersed to spread Islamic teachings in Al-Maghrib.
ʿUmar was familiar with Ismāʿīl’s religiosity, as
the latter was a jurist and a narrator of the Prophet’s ḥadith. ʿUmar may have wanted to use this to attract
the remaining Amāzīghs to Islam and deepen Islam in the hearts of
those who had reverted. Ismāʿīl steered the Amāzīghs to Islam because of
his good conduct and justice towards them (al-Dhahabī
5/213). Ismāʿīl is credited with preventing the entry of religious and
philosophical doctrines into al-Maghrib, which could have negatively impacted
the Amāzīghs and the Umayyad state, as they were new to Islam. He was
against the opinions of Muʿtazilism and Qadariyyah (Ibn Manẓūr 4/358). Ismāʿīl remained as governor of al-Maghrib until
ʿUmar’s death. It can be concluded that there were no tribal conflicts
between the Arab tribes in al-Maghrib during the reign of Sulaymān b.
ʿAbd al-Malik and then ʿUmar b. ʿAbd Al-ʿAzīz because
they appointed their governors in al-Maghrib primarily on a religious basis.
The governors of
Sulaymān and ʿUmar attracted many Amazighs to Islam. Ibn ʿAthārī mentioned that
Ismāʿīl b. ʿUbayd allāh ibn Abī al-Muhājir
was keen to invite the Amāzīghs to Islam until all Amāzīghs
in al-Maghrib converted to Islam. Caliph ʿUmar b. ʿAbd
Al-ʿAzīz sent ten jurists to teach the people of al-Maghrib what was
permissible and what was forbidden (Ibn ʿAthārī 1/48).
With the conversion of
these people to Islam, the Umayyad treasury lost one of its sources of income,
which was al-jizya (type of taxation). In addition, plenty of money was spent
on conquests, especially during the reign of Caliph Sulaymān, resulting in
a financial crisis (Blankinship, 1994). After the death of Caliph ʿUmar,
the new Umayyad caliph, Yazīd II (101–105AH/720–724CE), probably relied
mainly on the economic criterion in appointing his governor in Al-Maghrib. The
founder of the Umayyad state, Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān,
probably relied on the economic factor in dismissing some military leaders in al-Maghrib.
For example, he dismissed ʿUqbah b. Nāfiʿ after he spent five
years building the city of Kairouan from 50 to 55AH/670–675CE (Ibn al-Athīr,
Al-kāmil fī Al-tārīkh 3/243). He used some of the bounties he obtained from
the raids to finance this construction. Thus, he deprived the Umayyad treasury
of this income.
Caliph
Yazīd II deposed Ismāʿīl and appointed Yazīd b.
Abī Muslim governor of al-Maghrib for purely economic reasons. Before al-Ḥajjāj’s death, he
appointed Yazīd b. Abī Muslim as his successor in charge of the tax
collection in Iraq. Caliph al-Walīd b. ʿAbd al-Malik approved of him,
saying, “Yazīd b. Abī Muslim is like a man who, if he loses a dirham,
replaces it with a dinar” (al-Dhahabī 4/593); the value of a dinar is higher than that of a
dirham. In addition, he was honest in financial management, as evidenced by
Sulaymān trying him and finding no embezzlement. Yazīd possibly
received a huge salary from the Umayyads, so he did not embezzle money in Iraq.
Additionally, Yazīd II may have wanted to use Yazīd b. Abī
Muslim’s fanaticism for the Arab races against non-Arabs to force the
Amāzīghs to pay al-jizya, as al-Ḥajjāj had done with the people of Iraq (Radwān 57-58). Al-Ḥajjāj
taught his men loyalty to the Umayyad state, including Yazīd b. Abī
Muslim when he was in Iraq. However, Yazīd II’s efforts failed because the
people of al-Maghrib knew about Ibn Abī Muslim’s reputation and killed
him, claiming that he treated them like Christians (al-Maqlātī 18). After
Yazīd b. Abī Muslim’s death, Caliph Yazīd II was forced to
appoint a governor over al-Maghrib who had administrative experience. Bishr b.
Safwān (d. 109AH/727CE) was the governor of Egypt and succeeded in
managing its finances after Caliph Yazid II ordered him to reduce the money
given to the tribes there (Kubiak 78). Bishr and his family proved their
loyalty and devotion to the Umayyads. As a result, Yazīd II decided to
appoint Bishr’s brother, Ḥanḍalah (d. 130AH/748CE) as his successor in Egypt (Al-Qayrawāni 63). In addition, the
caliph rewarded them financially. Bishr b. Safwān exploited Yazīd b.
Abĩ Muslim’s assassination by accusing ʿAbd Allah b. Mūsa of
being the mastermind; thus, Bishr killed ʿAbd Allah (Ibn ʿAthārī
1/49). The presence of ʿAbd allah and the members of his family in al-Maghrib
since the completion of the conquest of al-Maghrib and al-Andalus under the
leadership of his father, Mūsa, made the Umayyad Caliphate fear him. After these events, Yazĩd II died, and
Hishām b. ʿAbd al-Malik (105–125AH/724–743CE) took over the
caliphate.
Hishām b. ʿAbd
al-Malik confirmed the appointment of Bishr b. Safwān as the governor of al-Maghrib
(Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam 244). In addition to his loyalty to the Umayyads,
three possible reasons were behind retaining Bishr
in al-Maghrib. First, he may have wanted to achieve stability in al-Maghrib
after a succession of governors with various policies in a short period, from
the caliphate of Sulaymān to the caliphate of Yazīd II. The second
was his success in eliminating AbdAllah b. Mūsa and some members of his family without any
noticeable reaction from the Amāzīghs in al-Maghrib (Ibn ʿAthārī 1/49).
The final reason was his revenge on the Byzantines after they attacked the city
of Tenes located in what
is now known as Algeria and killed many Muslims. Consequently, he sent many campaigns against the
Byzantines in Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily from 103AH/721CE until his death in
109AH/727CE (Blankinship 139). After Bishr b. Safwān’s death, Hishām
appointed ʿUbaydah b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī (d.
114AH/732CE) governor of al-Maghrib. He was the Umayyad governor of Azerbaijan
(Al-Ziriklī 4/199), so the first reason was he had
administrative experience. A tribal reason was also behind the appointment of ʿUbaydah, as his
brother, Abū al-Aʿwar al-Sulamī (d. unknown), was loyal to the Umayyads. Abū al-Aʿwar al-Sulamī joined Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān
in his conflict against ʿAlī (Al-Qayrawāni
64). In addition, ʿUbaydah was a fanatic for the Arabs against the Amāzīghs
and treated them harshly. Hishām probably
believed that ʿUbaydah’s policy against the Amāzīghs
would force them to pay al-Jizyah. Therefore, Hishām’s criteria were
similar to those of his brother, Yazīd II, in appointing governors in al-Maghrib.
Consequently, the Amāzīghs declared their disobedience against the Umayyad state (Sālim 297). However, ʿUbaydah’s policy was inclined towards collecting money, and this financial policy pleased Caliph Hishām. The latter received many booties from al-Maghrib, including female slaves, horses, money, and gold (ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd 278). Hishām likely allocated a share of these spoils to ʿUbaydah to eliminate any motives to separate from Damascus. Nevertheless, Hishām deposed him after the Amāzīghs and other Arab tribes, Al-Yamāmiyah complained that ʿUbaydah was biased towards his own Qaysiyah tribe against other tribes. However, according to Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam (Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam 245), ʿUbaydah asked Hishām to relieve him of his position without giving any reason. ʿUbaydah may have felt that his policy in al-Maghrib increased those who opposed him among the Amāzīghs and Arabs, particularly the al-Yamāniyah Arab tribe.
Several events occurred
during Hishām’s caliphate that put him in dire need of money, including
the Battle of Tours in 114AH/732CE and Zayd b. ʿAlī’s revolution in 122AH/740 CE. Consequently,
Caliph Hishām appointed ʿUbayd Allāh b. al-Ḥibhāb (d.
132AH/750CE) as governor of al-Maghrib for an economic reason, which was his
efficient management of Egyptian taxes since the beginning of Hishām’s
reign. ʿUbayd Allāh was strict in collecting taxes in Egypt.
Hishām gave ʿUbayd Allāh broad powers in al-Maghrib because the
latter represented the caliph’s financial policy (Kāshif 208). ʿUbayd
Allāh b. al-Ḥibhāb possibly played a major role in his
excessive loyalty to the Umayyads. ʿUbayd Allāh was the grandson of a
freed man from the Banū Makhzũm tribe (Dozy 126). This social status
encouraged ʿUbayd Allāh to master his administrative work to gain favor
with the Umayyads and benefit financially, and also use violence to collect
taxes in Egypt and al-Maghrib. He terrorized many tribes in al-Maghrib and took
their women captive (Al-Qayrawāni 66). As a result of this
policy, the Amazighs revolted against the Umayyad state from 122 to 125AH/739–743CE
and defeated ʿUbayd allāh in al-Maghrib in the Battle of Nobles in 123AH/740 CE. Then,
the Amāzīghs deposed ʿUbayd Allāh (Al-Qayrawāni
66).
Afterward, Caliph Hishām appointed
Kulthūm b. ʿAayāḍ (d.
124AH/741CE), governor of al-Maghrib and supplied him with 30,000 soldiers (Ibn ʿAthārī 1/55). A possible tribal reason was behind the
appointment of Kulthūm, as he belonged to the Qaysiyah, who proved
their courage and loyalty to the Umayyads in previous battles (Sabry 54).
However, he was killed by the Amāzīghs in the Battle of
Baqdūrah. This defeat angered Hishām, who said, “By God, I will be
angry with them with an Arab anger. I will send an army, the first of which
will be with you and the last of which will be with me” (Al-Qayrawāni 66).
Hishām then decided to depend on Bishr’s brother, Ḥanḍalah b.
Șafwān, to end the revolution of the Amāzīghs in al-Maghrib.
Hishām likely exploited tribal fanaticism for the
benefit of his state. He chose Ḥanḍalah, who belonged to the Yamānī tribe. Some
members of this tribe had been persecuted by ʿUbaydah b. ʿAbd
al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī, who belonged to the Qaysiyah (Ibn
ʿAbd al-Ḥakam
244). He wanted to raise the status of the Yamāniyah over the Qaysiyah by
appointing a governor in al-Maghrib from the Yamāniyah again and ending
the Amāzīgh revolution there through them. It can be assumed that Hishām b. ʿAbd al-Malik
balanced the satisfaction of Yamāniyah and Qaysiyah and prevented any potential conflict between them in al-Maghrib that would
lead to the region’s separation from the Umayyad state. Ḥanḍalah thus ended the revolution of the Amāzīghs in
125AH/743CE after the Battles of al-Qarn and al-Așnām (Ibn ʿAbd
al-Ḥakam 251).
When
the Amāzīgh revolution ended, Caliph Hishām died, and the
Umayyad Caliphate entered a state of chaos due to the struggle for power
between the Umayyads, which affected the Umayyad states.
These revolts can be considered the beginning of threats
to separate al-Maghrib from the Umayyad Caliphate, due to the changing policies
of the Umayyad governors in al-Maghrib towards the Amāzīghs at the
beginning of the reign of some Umayyad caliphs. The latter had chosen their
governors in al-Maghrib to implement these policies. It can be affirmed that
the policies of the Umayyad governors in al-Maghrib during the reign of Sulaymān b.
ʿAbd al-Malik and then ʿUmar b. ʿAbd Al-ʿAzīz attracted the
Amāzīghs to the Umayyad Caliphate. However, the policies of the
Umayyad governors in al-Maghrib during the reign of Yazīd b. ʿAbd
al-Malik and then
Hishām b.
ʿAbd al-Malik incited the Amāzīghs to revolt and secede from
the Umayyad Caliphate. After the death of Hishām b. ʿAbd
al-Malik, the Umayyad
Caliphate, entered a state of chaos. In addition, the situation in al-Maghrib
became encouraging for the last Umayyad governor there to remain nominally
loyal to the Umayyad Caliphate to prevent any potential revolts by Arab tribes
loyal to the Umayyads. The last Umayyad governor in al-Maghrib likely exploited
the Amāzīghs’ aversion to the Umayyad Caliphate.
After Hishām’s death, the Umayyad Caliphate came
under the rule of Walīd II b. Yazīd (125–126AH/643–644CE), who was
fair with all tribes, including the Qaysiyah and Yamāniyah (Sālim
234). He confirmed the appointment of Ḥanḍalah b. Șafwān as
governor of al-Maghrib, particularly for his success in suppressing the
Amāzīgh revolution. However, Ḥanḍalah b.
Șafwān’s presence in al-Maghrib did not last long for three reasons.
The caliph’s cousins rebelled against him, and Ḥanḍalah
did not receive support from the caliphate. In addition, ʿAbd
al-Raḥmān b. Habīb al-Fihrī (d. 137AH/755CE) rebelled in al-Maghrib
and claimed that he could assume the emirate based on two factors. First, he
was supported by the Amāzīghs and some Arabs in Al-Maghrib
(Sālim 162-163). Second, his family was involved in the conquest of al-Maghrib.
His grandfather, ʿUqbah b.
Nāfiʿ, founded the
city of Kairouan, and his father and grandfather participated in many military
campaigns in al-Maghrib. Finally, Ḥanḍalah b. Șafwān was possibly
reluctant to continue in this position.
ʿAbd
al-Raḥmān b. Habīb
al-Fihrī became the last Umayyad governor of al-Maghrib in 127AH/745 CE.
During this time, the Umayyad Caliphate was ruled by four caliphs in less than
two years. After al-Walīd II’s death, the caliphate came under the rule of
Yazīd III (126–126AH/744–744CE), then Ibrāhīm (126–127AH/744–745CE),
and then the last Umayyad caliph, Marwān II b. Muḥammad (127–132AH/744–750CE).
Despite the chaos and weakness of the caliphate in Damascus, ʿAbd
al-Raḥmān b. Habīb
al-Fihrī pledged nominal allegiance to Caliph Marwān II for
two potential reasons (Ibn
ʿAthārī 1/67). ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Habīb al-Fihrī may have wanted to maintain his friendship with
the Umayyads, as they were cousins from the Quraysah, and the
Umayyads had treated his father and grandfathers well. In addition, he probably
wanted to gain legitimacy from them. However, after the fall of the Umayyad
Caliphate, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Habīb al-Fihrī declared his obedience to the Abbasids
(Ibn ʿAthārī 1/67).
The
Umayyad state sent several military leaders to al-Maghrib to complete its
conquest. Muʿāwiya ibn
Abī Sufyān sent
three leaders, the first of whom was Muʿāwiya b. Ḥudayj, followed by ʿUqbah
b. Nāfiʿ and Maslamah b. Mukhlid al-Anṣārī. ʿAbd
al-Malik b. Marwān sent Zuhayr b. Qays and Ḥassan b. al-Nuʿmān. The conquest was completed during
the reign of al-Walīd b. ʿAbd
al-Malik under the leadership of Mūsā b. Nușayr, who is
considered the first governor of the Umayyads in al-Maghrib. The main factor in
choosing these leaders was the tribal factor, represented by individuals from different clans loyal to the Umayyads. In addition, the Umayyads considered
military and social factors in choosing their military leaders.
The
tribal factor was also relied upon primarily by the Umayyads to appoint
governors. After the conquest, each caliph appointed a governor in al-Maghrib.
Caliph Sulaymān’s standards were similar to those of his cousin, Caliph ʿUmar; they relied on religious and tribal
factors. After them, Caliph Yazīd II used tribal and economic factors,
similar to his brother, Caliph Hishām, in appointing governors in
al-Maghrib. The last governor of the Umayyad state in al-Maghrib, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Habīb al-Fihrī took
advantage of the chaos in the Umayyad Caliphate after Hishām’s death. He
took the governorship of al-Maghrib by relying on a tribal agent. When the
caliphate stabilized, he pledged allegiance to the last caliph, Marwān II,
again relying on a tribal agent.
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